The Myth of Progressive Dictatorship in Togo

R.S. Rattray lived among the Asante people in West Africa from some time before he came to realize that women in Asante society held real political authority. When Rattray asked one of the elders about this, the elder responded by saying:

The white man never asked us this; you have dealings with and recognize only the men; we supposed the European considered women of no account, and we know you do not recognize them as we have always done.

One of the areas where the culture of Africans and European colonizers clashed was concerning gender roles. European societies at the time were societies in which women had limited political power and social influence. By contrast, many pre-colonial African societies offered women more political power and social influence. When colonialism began to erode the traditional systems which empowered African women, African women resisted. Some notable examples of this include the Aba protests in Nigeria in 1929 and the Anlu uprising in Cameroon in 1958.

I began with this history because it is important to understand that one of the negative consequences of colonialism in Africa was the oppression of women. This is why several years ago women’s advocacy groups in Eswatini (then known as Swaziland) advocated for a return to traditional Swazi customs which provided greater recognition and respect for women than modern day laws which are rooted in Western traditions which were imported via colonialism.

The need to empower women in Africa is important not only for the liberation of women, but for Africa’s advancement. This brings me to Togo. Togo is a nation which has been under the rule of the oldest dynasty and military regime in Africa. Of course, that is not the way that the government of Togo presents itself. Faure Gnassingbe is the son of the former dictator of Togo and someone who came to power via a military coup, but in recent years Faure’s has been making an effort to rebrand his government as a more progressive one.

One of the ways in which Faure sought to accomplish this was through hosting a Pan-African Congress in Togo. The aim of the Congress was to position Togo as a leading advocate for Pan-Africanism and anti-colonialism in Africa. The talk about Togo joining with the Alliance of Sahel States is also part of this effort by the Togolese government to attach itself to something which is seen viewed as being progressive in Africa. The reality is that the regime in Togo has never been serious about Pan-Africanism or combating colonialism.

There is also the matter of gender issues. In 2020, Togo made international news for appointing Victoire Tomegah Dogbe as the nation’s first prime minister. Apart from this, the government of Togo has also expressed its willingness to support gender equality and women’s empowerment initiatives. This helps to give the perception that the regime in Togo is seriously concerned about women’s rights.

As I stated before, empowering women is an important aspect of African development. The problem in Togo is that the government’s efforts in this area are being used to cover up the reality that the treatment of women in Togo under the Gnassingbe family dynasty has been deplorable. This a regime which as used sexual torture to force confessions. This is a regime in which female journalists are assaulted and where female opposition leaders are arrested merely for daring to challenge the dictatorship. These are the types of abuses which happen regularly in Togo.

The regime in Togo has been trying to portray itself as a progressive one, but this cannot mask the reality that Togo is a nation which is run by a man who came to power in a bloody coup and who continues to retain power through repressive force. So long as Togo is under the control of this family dynasty, Togo will not see the type of progressive change which the country needs.